Political History

An appeal to a delegate to the 1839 Whig National Convention to nominate Henry Clay

“If we are to be beaten let us meet it like men… Should Henry Clay be nominated— I will exclaim ‘Amen. Amen. to that right or wrong Amen.’“

(Henry CLAY) Fine content Autograph Letter Signed “John A. Trumbull“, 1 page, 252 x 198 mm. (10 x 7 3/4 in.), 28 November [18]39, Stonington, to William Whiting Boardman (1794-1871), Connecticut politician who served as a delegate to the 1839 Whig National Convention that nominated William Henry Harrison as their nominee for President in the election of 1840.

Trumbull voices his desire to see the Whig party nominate Henry Clay as a candidate for President, and N.P. Tallmadge for Vice President, at the National Whig Convention, taking place just a few days later in early December 1839.

The letter reads in full: “This will be handed you my friend Cpt. H. Phelps Esq. permit me to introduce him for further acquaintance— he contemplates accompanying you to Harrisburg. I hope in a few days to hear of the result of your Convention— and have very little doubt that I shall hear of the unanimous nomination of Henry Clay & N.P. Tal[l]ma[d]ge. I dislike much to hear people taulk [sic] of ‘Expediency. [Winfield] Scott & Co. of one thing I am fully satisfied. If the Whigs of the U. States cannot elect Henry Clay— thay [sic] cannot elect any other candidate. If we are to be beaten let us meet it like men— It will afford me more satisfaction to know that I have tryd [sic] to elect him & him at last— than to succeed with any other Candidate— Should Henry Clay be nominated— I will exclaim ‘Amen. Amen. to that right or wrong Amen.’”

Henry Clay lost the Whig nomination at the 1839 convention to William Henry Harrison. Senator Nathaniel Pitcher Tallmadge (1794-1864) was a Senator from New York (1833-1839, 1840-1844), but did not receive any votes at the Harrisburg, Pennsylvania convention.

Usual folds, remnants and wear to left margin affecting content as shown, light creasing, overall fine condition.

(EXA 5701) $450

Madison’s secretary of war on the court martial of William Hull for the surrender of Detroit

(War of 1812) John ARMSTRONG (1748-1843) War of 1812 date Autograph Letter Signed, “John Armstrong” as Secretary of War, 1 page on a 244 x 198 mm. (9 3/4 x 7 3/4 in.) bifolium, “War Dept.” [Washington], 25 December 1813, to Alexander James Dallas in Philadelphia.

“On my arrival in Washington this morning I have found your letter of the 27th utl. I am obliged by the suggestions you have made & hasten to advise you that Col. Linard[?] is authorized to receive from you the official correspondence & documents which are in your hands & which have relation to Gen. Hull’s trial.”

Hull was serving as governor of the Michigan Territory when James Madison appointed him a brigadier general commanding American forces in the Northwest. The 60 year old Revolutionary War veteran (and friend of Nathan Hale) reluctantly accepted the offer and proceeded to Cincinnati and Dayton to organzine forces to march to Detroit. After making an abortive attempt to invade Canada, a seemingly larger British force approached Detroit, compelling Hull to abandon the position. It was later discovered that Hull had been, through a series of clever ruses, tricked into believing he was dangerously outnumbered.

Special Judge Advocate Martin Van Buren prosecuted Hull at his Albany, New York court-martial, over which General Henry Dearborn Presided in January 1814. The court found Hull guilty of a several charges including neglect of duty, cowardice, and unofficerlike conduct, and he was sentenced to be “shot to death.” His sentence was tempered by an appeal to President Madison to show clemency considering his services during the Revolutionary War, and his advanced age. Madison concurred, remitting the sentence. Hull spent his final years in retirement at his home in Massachusetts.*

Light dampstains and toning, mild ink transfer, expected mailing folds, some separations and minor losses on blank integral leaf, else very good.

(EXA 5905) $1,200

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^* Report of the Trial of Brig. General William Hull (New-York: Eastburn Kirk and Co., 1814) 2:118.

Scarce flyer for the Progressive Citizens of America, featuring Lena Horne & Edward G. Robinson: “Yes We’re Actors, but We’re Citizens too!”

(Progressive Citizens of America) Scarce broadside advertising a “Mass Meeting” of the Progressive Citizens of America, 10 July [c. 1948[?]] at Park View Manor in Los Angeles, 303 x 230 mm. (12 x 9 in.), featuring images of Hollywood party advocates John Garfield, Lena Horne, Edward G. Robinson, Anne Revere, George Coulouris, Richard Conte, Gene Kelly, Paul Henreid, Betty Garrett and Larry Parks, proclaiming “YES! We’re Actors… but we’re citizens too! That’s why we joined P.C.A[,] to fight for a prosperous and free country in a peaceful world! Join your neighbors in this ‘Stop Depression’ MASS MEETING!” The verso explores the issues at hand: “Are you worried? No wonder! Last Year! the N.A.M. spent millions of dollars for ads which promised you ‘if OPA is permanently discontinued… prices will quickly adjust themselves to levels that consumers are willing to pay.’ Today! YOU check your budget and find that expenses have gone up 30% since Congress killed O.P.A. (meanwhile corporation profits are 33% higher, although small business failures and unemployment are increasing.) Tomorrow! DESPRESSION. But… you CAN do something about it! Join the P.C.A. ‘Stop Depression’ Drive!” Speakers and entertainers were Albert Dekker, Marie Bryant, Sam Levine, Stanley Prager, Raphael Konigsberg, chaired by Edward Mosk with “Skits & Songs by Actors Division PCA“.

The Progressive Citizens of America, spearheaded by an outspoken Gene Kelly, was extremely active in the campaign to end Hollywood blacklisting and ideological persecution by abolishing the House of unAmerican Activities Committee.

Toning, creasing, usual folds with some separation at folds, edge wear and some marginal tearing, else very good condition.

(EXA 5913) $300

Attorney General Isaac Hayne sends Civil War-date edits of the Impressment Act of South Carolina to Governor Bonham

(Confederate South Carolina) Isaac William HAYNE (1809-1880) Manuscript Document Signed “I.W. Hayne” as Attorney General of South Carolina, 2pp., 325 x 205 mm. (12 3/4 x 8 in.), [Columbia], 3 November 1863, to Governor Milledge L. Bonham (1813-1890) containing Hayne’s edits to the First section of the Impressment Act of South Carolina, in full: “First. Over and above ‘the property necessary for the support for the owner & his family & to carry on his ordinary agricultural & mechanical business’ of The Surplus ‘forage, articles of subsistence or other property’ in the hands of those who have ‘raised, grown or produced the same’ can only be taken for public use according to the provisions of the 1st and 2nd sections: that is; where the owner and impressing officer cannot agree as to compensation, the same must be determined by two loyal and disinterested citizens—on their disagreement, an umpire’s to decide to be final subject to an appeal by the impressing officer to the Commissioners Second. The above articles (not surplus) whether in the hands of the producers or in the hands purchasers not for sale of speculation but held for their own use or consumption ‘shall not be taken or impressed for the public use’. But where the owner and impressing officer cannot agree as to the quantity necessary, the decision of the appraisers, appointed under the 1st section, as to the quantity, shall be final. Third. The taking of ‘forage articles of subsistence and other property’ for public use, at the prices fixed by the Commissioners appointed under the 5th section, is not warranted under the Act, except in the hands of persons not holding the same for their own use or consumption: that is; in the hands of those who have purchased the same for ‘sale or speculation’—And then only according to the provisions of the 6th section.” On the verso Hayne writes: “I have examined the written and concur in the views expressed as a correct constructure of the Impressment Act.”

Hayne was a staunch South Carolina secessionist. He served as Attorney General of South Carolina from 1848 to 1868, and was appointed Commandant of Conscripts at Columbia during the Civil War. In 1861, he operated as a special envoy to engage in discussions with President Buchanan regarding a cession or sale of Fort Sumter to the Confederate State of South Carolina, following an incident in which the Star of the West, a civilian steamship employed by the U.S. Government to supply and reinforce Fort Sumter, was fired upon by Confederates and forced to retreat at the onset of the War. He also served as the Secretary of the 1832 Nullification Convention. His uncle was Robert Young Hayne (1791-1839), Governor of South Carolina from 1832 to 1834 and U.S. Senator from 1823 to 1832. One of Hayne’s sons joined the Confederate Army and was killed at Cold Harbor in June 1864.

Light toning to address panel, edge wear as shown, usual folds, overall fine condition.

(EXA 5288) $850

A scarce 1864 printing of the Confederate Congress’ final suspension of habeas corpus

(Confederate Suspension of Habeas Corpus) “House Bill, No. 267.—Secret… A Bill To suspend the privilege of writ of habeas corpus, in certain cases, for a limited time.” ([Richmond: 1864]), 6pp., 232 x 147 mm. (9 1/8 x 5 3/4 in.), faintly stamped “REBEL ARCHIVES RECORDS DIVISION WAR DEPARTMENT” at top center.

Although both the constitutions of the United and Confederate States allowed for the legislative branch to suspend the writ of habeas corpus, Jefferson Davis (unlike Lincoln) sought his Congress’ approval before declaring martial law around Norfolk and Portsmouth, Virginia from February 1862 to February 1863. The Confederate Congress granted Davis similar powers from March to August 1864.

In November 1864, as the situation for the Confederacy grew perilous, the Confederate Congress in Richmond granted Davis a ninety-day blanket authorization to suspend habeas corpus when he saw the necessity, specifying fifteen instances in which he could do so. This included treason, participation in conspiracy to overthrow the government, fomenting “servile insurrection,” and other acts against the state. Approved by the House on 10 November 1864 and the Senate on 9 December, this proved to be the last time the Confederate Congress allowed the President to suspend the writ before the end of the war in April 1865.

Just as in the north, these suspensions by the Confederacy drew criticism, despite its constitutional validity. Vice President Alexander Stephens openly expressed his opposition to the move in the southern press in 1862: “…in this country there is no such thing as marital law, and cannot be until the Constitution is set aside, if such an evil day shall ever come upon us.”^*

Crandall, 467; Parrish & Wallingham, 731. OCLC 702706470^†. We have located only 9 extant examples of this act in institutional holdings, including Library of Congress, Yale, Virginia Historical Society, University of Richmond, University of Virginia, State Library of North Carolina, Univeristy of Georgia, University of Illinois (HARWELL Collection), Francis Marion University. Auction records reveal no copies appearing at auction in the last four decades.

Extremely light toning at margins, clean minor tear along spine, else fine.

(EXA 5060) $400
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^* Alexander H. Stephens, “Letter of the Hon. A. H. Stephens on Martial Law [3 Sept.1862]” Macon [Ga.] Weekly Telegraph, 10 Oct. 1862, 2.
^† OCLC.

The Bank of the United States in Boston carries out Hamilton’s orders that helped stem the Panic of 1792

(Alexander HAMILTON) Important manuscript Document Signed “John Codman“, “John C. Jones“, and “Jona Mason Junr” as Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit at Boston, 1p., 270 x 190 mm. (10 3/4 x 7 1/2 in.), 4 April 1792, acknowledging receipt of $35,000 collected from the Customs House by the Commissioner of Loans, Nathaniel Appleton, to be used to pay interest on the national debt to relieve pressure on the Bank of the United States during the Panic of 1792.

The document reads in full: “Received of Nathaniel Appleton Esq.r Commissioner of Loans of the United States of America in the State of Massachusetts the Sum of Thirty five Thousand Dollars to be carried to the Credit of the Treasurer of the United States & appropriated to the payment of Interest due to the Creditors of the United States in conformity to the request of the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States in his Letter of 22d March 1792 and the directions of the President of the Bank United States in his letter of 22d March 1792“.

The Panic of 1792 had its roots in the rapid expansion of credit by the newly-formed Bank of the United States, and rampant speculation in government securities led by William Duer and Alexander Macomb. In early March 1792, Duer, greatly overextended, began to default on his obligations. To make matters worse, when Duer left his position as Secretary of the Treasury Board in 1789, he left a shortage of $238,000 on the government books. Hamilton had indulged his friend, allowing him time to settle his accounts, but when news of Duer’s pending insolvency reached him in late March, he was forced to initiate a suit, lest he be accused of laxity and nepotism by his political enemies.

Hamilton’s suit made Duer’s situation public and a panic ensued which placed enormous pressure on the Bank of the United States, and in particular, its ability to pay interest on the national debt in specie. Part of Hamilton’s strategy to alleviate the pressure on the banks was to order that specie received from the customs offices be used to pay the quarterly interest payment due. In his 22 March 1792 instructions to Nathaniel Appleton, Commissioner of Loans, Hamilton ordered him “…to avail yourself of all the specie in the hands of the Collector of Boston, excepting only the sum of 6,000 Dollars, which is to be retained by him, to meet certain bills of the Commissioner of Loans in New Hampshire, which he is authorized to direct to the Collector. The remaining specie the Collector is to deposit in the Boston Branch of the Bank of the United States, for the purpose of paying the interest on the public debt. He is also to pay in all the notes of the Bank of the US to be deposited in such way or form as the said Branch shall determine to receive the paper of the Bank of the United States.” The next week, Appleton deposited $35,000 with the Office of Discount & Deposit at Boston, the Massachusetts branch of the Bank of the United States, for which he received the present receipt.

Hamilton’s rapid and decisive actions during the panic prevented a larger financial disaster and by May the panic had largely subsided. However, Hamilton was unable to do much for his friend Duer. The disgraced speculator spent the remainder of his life in debtor’s prison for fear of his personal safety. Because so many had given their life’s savings to Duer to invest, a guard had to be posted at his cell to prevent a mob from hanging him in the street.

The Directors of the Boston branch who signed this document include John CODMAN (c. 1755-1803) a prominent Boston merchant and member of the Massachusetts Senate; John C. JONES (?-?) a Boston merchant; and Jonathan MASON Jr. (1756-1831) a prominent Federalist attorney and member of the Massachusetts House of Representatives who served two terms in the United States Senate (1800-1803, 1817-1820).

Toned at margins from previous mounting, minor marginal tears as shown, else very good.

(EXA 3504) SOLD.

Gilbert Dench on his long appeal for $20,000 in depreciated notes from the Continental Congress.

(Revolutionary War Finance) Gilbert DENCH (1742-1807) Autograph Letter Signed, “G. Dench“, 2pp., 240 x 188 mm. (9 1/2 x 7 3/8 in.), Philadelphia, 31 January 1795, likely to a member of the House of Representatives which had just denied his petition for reimbursement for an army supply contract he fulfilled in 1782 in which he was paid in depreciated paper rather than in specie as the contract specified.

Dench, whose petition had been rejected by the House of Representatives the day before, writes in full: “Please Except of my acknowledgement for your attention to my Case, and bel[i]eve me that Ingratitude has no Place in my mind as to the Term of my Case had in Congress the other day, was as unfor[e]seen and as uncontrived by me, on my, Death Day— the facts, are these, the day I was with ye Com[mitt]ee there was but two or three Papers read, when Dr. Hotlon¹ [sic] to two other Gen[tl]eman told me, those Gentlem[en] was before me, & that I had better le[a]ve all my Papers I handed to Mr. Forster² who had read Sum & left the Chamber, and never have I been with s[ai]d Com[mitt]ee more then five moments Since,— as I had a hint what the report would be, Concluded, it was the only one that would Pass the House, and as I thought most of you Gentlemen was of opinion that this was the only best way for me to obtain Something— Concluded there would be no objection to the acceptance of it, as to it being accepted or not was not for me to Determine nor did I ever Desire any one Gentleman to op[p]ose the Acceptance of it, or have the Papers read, although my Claim was on Congress, as I thought to nowhere else. I don’t say I have not said hard things of some Legeslatins [sic] of Massachusetts, and of the Present one, as to there Ingratitude towards you & me, feeling sore in this Pursuit, having road [sic] more then 40000 miles hope to meet with your Pardon, for any Inadvertence in me, for any Int[e]rest Dictated no such Process— so that on all occasions [sic], I shall, acknowledge your Friendship to me, as well as your Great Concern for The Publick Good, as to your Letters they went before the Com[mitt]ee with my other Papers, without any thought of mine, that such a use would be made of them, as was, nor did I ever think they would be read, nor ever did I mention it to any Person to have them read,— this is my Evidence that if the Should be read it must af[f]ront, those, whose favors I ever wished to Secure.”

In 1781 and 1782, Gilbert Dench transported clothing and other supplies for the Continental Army as a contactor. While Dench’s 1781 contract specified payment in certificates from Congress, his 1782 contract was to be paid in $20,000 of specie. However Jabez Hatch, the quartermaster responsible for paying the contract, did not have hard money available when payment came due. Instead, Hatch obtained a loan from the Commonwealth of Massachusetts and paid Dench with certificates. When Robert Morris reimbursed Massachusetts for the loan in specie, those notes rapidly depreciated in value.

Dench began petitioning Congress for redress in 1791 with the support of Elbridge Gerry.³ That petition was rejected, but Dench approached Congress again in 1795 but was again rejected. According to a separately published report issued the same year on Dench’s petition: “The Committee are of opinion, that there is no existing obligation on the United States, to make up depreciation in the present case; more especially, as the United States have paid for the services rendered by the petitioner in specie; and if there exists an obligation on any body of men, to make up to the petitioner his depreciation, it certainly must rest upon the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.”⁴

Undeterred, Dench petitioned the House again in 1797, which prompted a lively debate on the floor that, unlike the deliberations in 1795, were published (together with a formal report). While many of the Representatives, including Henry Dearborn, James Madison, Joseph Varnum, George Thatcher, and William Livingston sympathized with Dench’s plight, they could find no means to assist him. Jeremiah Smith of New Hampshire noted that although “Dench had been badly used… innumerable other cases were much worse. Mr. Dench suffered no more than others who took depreciated paper instead of specie. He was obliged to sell his certificates before they were due; but the citizens of Massachusetts actually paid in real specie the tax of which these certificates were partly in anticipation…the House was every day rejecting claims more equitable than this one.” Robert Williams of North Carolina feared “complying with this demand would open the door to numbers with this principle in their view.” Jonathan Dayton concurred, warning that granting Dench’s petition “would be letting in a flood of claims.”⁵ Still Dench persisted, petitioning Congress again in 1800 with the same response. The report issued by the House of Representatives denying Dench’s claim was worded exactly as the one they issued in 1797.⁶ Undaunted, Dench again approached Congress in 1800 and 1804, and was denied again.⁷

Dench died insolvent in 1807 and his estate was auctioned in 1811.⁸ Thirty years later, Dench’s heirs revived the campaign, submitting petitions to Congress in 1837, 1840, 1843, and 1846. The last time Dench’s heirs petitioned the Committee of Revolutionary Claims, it does not appear to have ever been considered as Congress’ records are silent on the matter after this point. ⁹ It appears that the family finally abandoned their Revolutionary ancestor’s quixotic battle for justice nearly 60 years after the first attempt.

Toning, minor creasing and edge wear, slight water damping at bottom left margin just barely affecting content, usual folds, overall very good condition.

(EXA 3506) $650
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¹ Samuel Holten (1738-1818). Massachusetts physician and politician, member of the Third Congress, 1793-1795.
² Dwight Foster (1757-1823) Massachusetts attorney and politician who served in Congress form 1793 to 1800, and in the Senate until 1803.
³ Maryland Journal (Baltimore), 16 Dec. 1791, 2: Elbridge Gerry presented one on Dench’s behalf, “praying compensation for damage and loss by him sustained, in contracts for transporting cloathing [sic] and military stores.”
⁴ Report of the Committee of Claims on the Petition of Gilbert Dench. Made the 29th of January, 1795. ([Washington: United States Congress, [1795]), 3.
⁵ The Debates and Proceedings of the Congress of the United States (1849), 1835-1839.
⁶ Report of the Committee of Claims, on the Petition of Gilbert Dench. 4th January 1797 (Evans 32995); Report of the Committee of Claims, on the Petition of Gilbert Dench. 21st March 1800 (Evans 38843).
⁷ United States House of Representatives, Journal, 31 March 1800; Ibid, 21 December 1804.
⁸ “Mansfield-Perkins Ancestry” Rootsweb. (http://wc.rootsweb.ancestry.com/cgi-bin/igm.cgi?op=GET&db=jim_stevens&id=I149): Mathew Metcalf Esqr and John Jones, yeoman, both of Hopkinton and John Fisk, gentleman of Framingham were appointed on 14 October 1807 to take inventory of Gilbert Dench’s estate. The real estate included the homestead and 70 acres in Hopkinton, an acre of land with a small house also in Hopkinton, 54 acres in Holliston, one half of 25 acres in Framingham with half of a small house & barn & half of the mills thereon, owned in common with Isaac Dench, and a pew in Hopkinton meeting house, totaling $5,630.00. With the personal estate, the estate was valued at $6,136.18. However, the debts due from the estate were also considerable, totaling $5,280.00, more than half due on mortgages, so that on 10 November 1807, John Fairbanks as executor asked that the estate be declared insolvent. Matthew Metcalf Esqr and Jeremy Stimpson, physician, both of Hopkinton, were then appointed commissioners to examine the claims. The personal estate was sold 30 November 1807, with many of the items purchased by his son Isaac Dench, his daughters’ husbands and by other relatives, including Samuel and Thomas Valentine, John Jones, Dr. Stimpson, and Peletiah Bixby. The real estate was to be auctioned Monday 1 April 1811, however, that day being very stormy, the sale was adjourned to the next Monday. The homeplace was sold to Elijah Haven, the mill to Isaac Dench, the wood lot to Dr. John O. Wilson, and the one acre in Hopkinton to Elijah Pike. The auction raised only $1579.50, so that the court ordered that the creditors be paid 22 cents for each dollar of their claim”.
⁹ House, Journal, 30 January 1837, 29 December 1837; 27 June 1838; 5 February 1840; 8 March 1842; 22 December 1843; Senate, Journal, 7 January 1846.

Hand-colored Lithograph of Abraham Lincoln

(Abraham Lincoln) An excellent hand-colored lithograph of a seated Abraham Lincoln, 315 x 230 mm. (13 x 9 in.) (sight) by E. B. E. C. Kellogg of Hartford, Connecticut (with additional credit at lower right: “Geo. Whiting, 87 Fulton St., New York”). Tastefully matted and framed.

Moderate even toning, else very good. Not examined out of frame.

(EXA 5435) $600

Schuyler Colfax offers to campaign for Republicans in Minnesota, 1857

“You will have a civic battle of Magenta on your soil this fall. Your two members may save the next House— indeed may save a President if that election should be thrown into the House. The Dem’y will move heaven & earth, & the regions beneath to carry it. God grant that they may be foiled.”

Autograph Letter Signed “Schuyler Colfax”, 1 page, 197 x 129 mm. (7 3/4 x 5 in.), South Bend, Ind., 27 June 1857. A good political-content letter written in the early years of the Republican Party concerning his intention to travel to Minnesota that autumn to stump for the Republican state ticket there.

“I have just written Senator D[elano] T. Smith^* that I shall be in your State on business the last part of Aug. & first weeks of Sept. & have promised several friends there to speak a week or two for the good cause. But the State Central Com. can tell me, better than any others, where it is best to speak. I am going up the River as far as Morrison Co[.] probably. You will have a civic battle of Magenta on your soil this fall. Your two members may save the next House— indeed may save a President if that election should be thrown into the House. The Dem’y will move heaven & earth, & the regions beneath to carry it. God grant that they may be foiled.”, with a post script in the left margin: “Frank Blair told me last month in S.L. he would come also.” Other prominent Republicans canvassed Minnesota on behalf of the fledgling party that fall including Carl Schurz.^† A good political content letter documenting the early years of the Republican Party.

Schuyler COLFAX (1823-1885) was the 17th Vice President of the United States under President Ulysses S. Grant from 1869 to 1873, a United States Congressman from Indiana from 1855 to 1869, during which time he also served as the 29th Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives, from 1863 to 1869. He has the distinction of being one of only two Americans (the other being John Nance Garner) to serve as both Speaker of the House and Vice President.

Slight creasing, light edge wear, usual folds, else very good.

(EXA 5219) $375

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^* Smith was a member of the Minnesota State Senate from Hennepin County from 1857 to 1858. (Political Graveyard)
^† “Political Campaign in Minnesota”, Cleveland Leader, 1 October 1859, 2: “Distinguished speakers from abroad are canvassing the State on both sides. Messrs. Hale, Grow, Colfax, Bingham and Schurz on the Republican, and Willard, Larabee, Rothe and others on the Democratic… The indications are that the Republican State Ticket will be elected by a majority of from three to five thousand, that the Legislature will be Republican, and that there will be a Republican U.S. Senator form Minnesota in Washington next winter.”

Political content letter on the Election of 1824 and the chances of Jackson, Crawford and Adams

(Election of 1824) James ROBERTSON (c. 1780-1854) Federalist member of the Pennsylvania State Senate, representing the 1st District of Philadelphia from 1822 until his retirement in 1825. He was an officer for the Bank of the United States from the late 1820s until the bank’s dissolution in 1841.

Fine content Autograph Letter Signed “James Robertson” as a representative of the Pennsylvania State Senate, 4pp., 251 x 198 mm. (9 7/8 x 7 6/8 in.), Philadelphia, 26 April 1824, to Robert S. Garnett (1789 – 1840) of Essex County, Va. A chatty political letter to a member of the Congressional faction of the Democratic-Republicans backing Treasury Secretary William H. Crawford of Georgia for President commenting, among other things, on the growing factions growing around of Jackson, Adams and Crawford that would result in the only election ever thrown into the House of Representatives since the passage of the Twelfth Amendment. Robertson admits that since his arrival home from Harrisburg, “I have not given much attention to public affairs. This may be the reason why I think there is less interest felt here in the Presidential election, than there was some time ago. It is true, the excitement is still kept up among newspaper editions, and newspaper writers— but I am inclined to think that since the Convention which was held at Harrisburg, decided in favour of Genl. Jackson, and it seeming to be settled, that he would have the vote of Penna., people general appear feel more indifferent about it. Crawford’s friends, however, have not abandoned him. They have had a meeting at Pittsburg; and it is intended, I understand, to get up similar meetings in the other counties for the purpose of forming a new electoral ticket, in favour of C[rawford]. I do not think they can succeed. Adams has still a great many friends; but they cannot openly side with the Crawford men, even tho’ opposed to Jackson, as they have openly opposed the caucus system, which seem unfortunately for C[rawford] to be identified with his name…” Crawford’s supporters in Congress made a fatal blunder for his candidacy when they staged a Congressional caucus to nominate him for President. Out of 216 Democratic-Republican members of Congress, only sixty-six attended, giving the meeting the appearance of factional meeting without the official sanction of the party, hobbling Crawford’s nomination for President (together with his old friend Albert Gallatin for Vice President).

The rump Congressional caucus also roused the passions of all of Crawford’s political rivals who promptly went on the offensive. Roberston comments upon the excitement generated by Ninian Edwards’ accusation that Crawford had mismanaged funds in his capacity as Secretary of the Treasury: “A good deal of excitement has been felt here occasioned by the proceedings in your house, in relation to Mr. Edwards’s memorial. I have never seen the document referred to, nor the A.B. essays, and therefore cannot form any opinion on the subject; but from what I recollect of two reports of committees in the H. of R. last winter, my impression is, that nothing improper was made out against Mr. Crawford. I am therefore inclined to think that Mr. Edwards has placed himself in an awkward situation. Should he fail to substantiate his charges, the step he has taken will reflect disgrace upon himself; and I have no doubt, eventually operate in favour of Mr. Crawford. When Edward’s memorial is printed, I would to receive a copy of it and any other documents connected with it.” Crawford had much greater problems. In 1823 he suffered a paralytic stroke. Although Crawford finished third in the Electoral College, which under the Twelfth Amendment, placed him in the running when the race landed in the House of Representatives. His bad health rendered him a non-factor in Congress as all eyes focused on the contenders Andrew Jackson and John Quincy Adams.

Robertson also take some time to criticize the new tariff bill: “…I was very sorry that the Tariff bill passed the H. of R. The manner in which its friends acted, showed it to be their determination to force it through at all hazards; and I have my fears, from what I have heard, and from the reception which the bill met with in the Senate, its friends would try and pursue the same course there. Still, I am unwilling to abandon all hope. I am unwilling to believe that such a [paper loss] body as the Senate, will pass such a momentous bill, as the one in question, by a majority of one or two votes: a bill too, which its warmest friends, if they have either sense or honesty, cannot deny, must operate grievously on some of the first states in the Union. Still, there is no telling what men will do, when urged on by narrow prejudices, and local and person interests…”

Toned spots from tape repairs to separated folds, light toning, else very good.

(EXA 4914) $1,200.00

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