Political History

Franklin Roosevelt signs a beautiful color print of the White House in the controversial 1936 Democratic Book

Franklin D. ROOSEVELT (1882-1945) His signature, “Franklin D. Roosevelt” as President, accomplished beneath a charming color engraving of the White House 365 x 285 mm. (14 1/2 X 11 1/2 in.), bound in a limited edition volume THE DEMOCRATIC BOOK 1936. ([Philadelphia, 1936]) 384 pp., quarto, bound in soft brown leather with gilt lettering and the original pictorial wraps bound in. Limited Edition #2,120 of 2,500 copies.

A voluminous book of information and advertising (many liquor ads) that was used as a fundraiser for the Democratic Party containing FDR’s acceptance speech, the Democratic Platform of 1936, and biographies of all the Cabinet members as well as articles on Congress, the Supreme Court, the Cabinet departments, and reproductions of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.

Franklin Roosevelt signed 1936 Democratic Book

The Democratic National Committee published the volume with fund-raising for the 1936 campaign in mind, charging $2,500 for full-page advertisements. Republicans, observing that many of the sponsors, which included General Electric, General Motors and U.S. Still, had pending business before the government, immediately accused the D.N.C. of violating the Corrupt Practices Act.

Boards and spine rubbed at edges and especially at corners, interior pages and signed White House print is pristine and other pages quite clean.

(EXA 6006) $2,650

After suffering a sprained ankle after a day of golf in the midst of the Election of 1912 against Wilson and Roosevelt’s Bull Moose, Taft assures his correspondent, “A few more days of rest, and I’ll be out on the links again.”

Typed Letter Signed, “Wm H Taft” as President, 1 page, 6″ x 6.5″ (sight) on White House letterhead, Beverly, Massachusetts, September 7, 1912, to Charles A. Ricks in Collinwood, Ohio. Matted and framed with a photograph.

Taft writes, in full: “Thank you for your kind letter of September 7th. It won’t be necessary for me to try Doctor Phillips’ remedy this time, for, I am glad to say, my ankle is very greatly improved. A few more days of rest, and I’ll be out on the links again. I appreciate your thoughtfulness, old man!”

What exactly constituted the doctor’s “remedy” is anyone’s guess. Taft was the target of a good deal of ridicule in the press due to his penchant to hit the links during the bitter campaign against Theodore Roosevelt’s breakaway Progressive Party, which split the Republican vote and cost him the Presidency. Ironically, he sprained his ankle while playing golf over the weekend before he returned to Washington on September 4, 1912.¹

The recipient, Charles A. Ricks (1869-1914) was a manger for Standard Oil in Cleveland when he organized the G. C. Kuhlman Car Company, serving as the electric railroad car manufacturer’s secretary and treasurer until his death in 1914.²

Fine condition.

(EXA 6003) $1,200
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¹ “Taft Suffers from Sprained Ankle,” The New Orleans Item, 4 Sept. 1912, 5.
² Samuel Peter Orth, A History of Cleveland, Ohio: Biographical (1910), 819; Electric Railway Journal, 29 Aug. 1914, 44:409.

A Know-Nothing and a Jacksonian Democrat spar over the Nullification Crisis.

(Nullification Crisis) John Conrad BUCHER (1792-1851) Pennsylvania politician and lawyer who served as a Jacksonian Democrat in the 22nd Congress, (1831-1833) during the Nullification Crisis. Following his Congressional tenure, he was elected a trustee of Harrisburg Academy, Franklin College (Lancaster) and Marshall College (Mercersburg). In 1839, Bucher was appointed associate judge of Dauphin County, Pennsylvania, by Governor David R. Porter, a position he held until his death in 1851.

A collection of four Autograph Letters Signed “John C. Bucher” and “Jno. C. Bucher“, 8pp., various sizes, Philadelphia and Washington, 18 Sept. 1830 to 19 January 1833 to his brother-in-law William Ayres (1788-1856) of Harrisburg,* providing great detail on the political polarization afflicting Congress during the Nullification Crisis of 1832. Bucher exercises wit and scorn in equal measure when chastising Ayres for his Anti-Mason position, and delivers some derisive jabs regarding his brother-in-law’s public conduct. Bucher issues corrections to accusations made by the press, and assists Ayres, perhaps half-heartedly, with furthering a Revolutionary War soldier’s petition for compensation from the government. He also addresses a personal conflict between himself and Ayres regarding the administration of the estate of Bucher’s father (and Ayres’ father-in-law), John Jacob Bucher (1764-1827).

The correspondence reads, in part: “[Philadelphia, 18 September 1830] This afternoon I received a letter from Harrisburg… it is alleged you are making great complaints, about the sale of a Lot, belonging to our late Fathers Estate,— and that you can produce a person that will give $1000— for the same property… as so much has been said about this matter it is to be presumed the purchaser is ready,— will you be so good as to assure the Gentleman, that so far as my control of the matter goes, he shall have the property. I will expect you to attend to this to see this to see this engagement consummated… You were not consulted about this, it is true— but no disrespect was intended by me— I pray you if your purchaser does not intend to close in, that you say nothing about it, that the parties with whom I had the interview know nothing of this… if you are not authorized by facts; to animadvert as severely as you have on my course of action, that your conduct is uncourteous, and exhibits more recklessness than I thought your nature would urge you to… my situation with our Fathers Estate has necessarily caused me to have more than a proportionate share of duty to perform, but I have never wished to assume more than my equal part… [Washington City, 18 December 1832] …the arena of Strife, furnishes matter continually for intense consideration— John C. Calhoun is elected to the Senate— vice R. Hayne who is elected Governor of South Carolina, we have arrived at serious crisis in the affairs of our Country, to preserve peace among ourselves, and the preservation of those principles, which a large majority of us, say are fundamental— the right of protection— did time permit, I should like to run my thoughts here, by asking, or saying, whether our notions of protection, were not more interwoven, with our political creeds than in our absolute knowledge of the practical benefits resulting therefrom— before the Tariff Bill of last session was passed, our Legislature and our people, gave an almost unanimous expression in favor of holding on to ultra notions of protection— the majority in Congress adopted a modified scheme— reducing the scale of protection considerably— no evil consequences resulted, few dissenting voices were heard— all were satisfied— now if to save our Country— and to get rid of six million dollars per annum taxes which you anti Masons look on as a great bug bear— can preserve the Union— and with it the blessing of peace, and happiness to the American people, ought it not to be done? [Washington City, 12 January 1833] The Harrisburg Intelligence rec’d today has sounded the tocsin alarm— so has General Willis Foulke of Carlisle… the Editors say… the House have agreed to the consideration of the bill to repeal the Tariff by a vote of 188 to 82— when this vote was taken— the bill was not before the House, it was a mere vote, that the House would after a certain time viz next Monday and each day after at one o’clock, go into Committee on that Bill— that is a very different thing from voting on the Bill— as the reasons are obvious for the one act— you can alone judge when you see the vote on the other… [Washington City, 19 January 1833] …You mistake me much in supposing, my charge against you, was referring to any publication in the P. Intelligence, in relation to my public acts— not so— they were spread before the public before they reached Harrisburg. Mr. Strong and yourself are at liberty to put such construction on them, as you please. My allusions were to editorial remarks… which had such a squinting to opinions I had communicated to you, that I had concluded you had furnished them— and especially as you called my attention to said papers— as to the compliment of Mr. Strong, to Mr. George H. Bucher, it was merely to send a phillipick at me— the compliment you pay the Jackson party, calling them all slaves— is a beautiful idea— there are then a vast proportion of the population, that are slaves— perhaps it may be the increasing popularity of that man that worries you so much— and prompts you to such an imputation… Those ‘Honorable matters’ you refer to, that you were so kind to suppress— which my neighbors knew— it is a strange kind of suppression, to conceal that that every body knew— you know me long enough to know that I have never endeavoured to suppress any act of mine— hence I too frankly speak my actions— in the revolution of circumstance, certain acts will admit of interpretations or glossary at one time, differently, from another— no man can foresee that the public may use him at any future time for a candidate for office, he cannot therefore shape every act of his life— to shield him from the Paul Pry’s of the times… You have as good right to the enjoyment of your opinion as any man— it never was, nor never shall be for me to question them— but if you should accidentally be placed, as I was placed— and I should act towards you, as you have towards me— you will be enabled alone to judge of the propriety of the course.”

Bucher concludes his correspondence with an acknowledgment that his Congressional career has come to an end by no choice of his own, “On the 4th of March I again return to my private pursuits, with feelings of much gratitude to my fellow Citizens, for the honor they have conferred on me— to the expression of the people, in having chosen another to represent them in my place. I have not, not will not complain, the voice of the majority must prevail; I find many here like myself— it has been so heretofore and it may be so hereafter…“

Soiling, light toning and edge wear, usual folds, overall fine condition.

(EXA 3594) $1,250
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^* Ayres was admitted to the bar in Harrisburg in 1826. Active in Whig party politics, he was elected to the Pennsylvania Legislature, serving from 1833 to 1835, and as coadjutor of Thaddeus Stevens, fought for the establishment of a free school system in Pennsylvania. In 1841, he was elected Director of the United States bank at Philadelphia. Between 1850 and his death in 1856, he sat as President of the Harrison Gas Company, the Huntington and Broad Top Railroad, and the Harrisburg and Hamburg Railroad Company. He married Mary Elizabeth Bucher (1795-1847), sister of John Conrad Bucher, in 1817.

A month after he provided critical help at the Battle of Monmouth, Philemon Dickinson contends with petty local politics

Philemon DICKINSON (1739-1809) American attorney and politician, served as U.S. Senator from New Jersey from 1790 to 1793, and was a major general in command of the New Jersey Militia during the American Revolutionary War. Born in Maryland and raised in Delaware, he represented Delaware at the Continental Congress in 1782 and 1783. In 1784, he served on the commission that selected Washington D.C. as the site of the nation’s capital. He was the younger brother of John Dickinson (1732-1808), a founding father heavily involved in the drafting of the Constitution.

A good content, war-date Autograph Letter Signed “Philemon Dickinson“, 1 page, 285 x 215 mm. (11 1/4 x 8 1/2 in.), Trenton [New Jersey], 29 July 1778, to William C. Houston & James Mott, Jr. of Princeton concerning his supposed handling of public monies, in full: ““I this moment received your favor of the 25th instant. I perfectly remember, the Ordinance of the Convention which you mention, but I absolutely refused having the money paid into my hands, as I never had any Public accounts in my life. I cannot possibly recollect, to which amounts I gave Orders, but those Orders, which lay before you Gentlemen, specify the Sums, & for what purpose— I never recd. a single Shilling of this money, & left the accounts solely to the Treasurer to settle, which must appear by their Books & Vouchers. I have no Public account, of any kind to settle, having intentionally avoided it. My information that is in my Power to give you, respecting the Application to the monies you mention, shall be given with the greatest Pleasures…” He adds in a postscript: “I shall remain here 4, or 5 days longer.”

Less than a month before, George Washington had offered his congratulations to Dickinson for his critical in obtaining a strategic victory at the Battle of Monmouth, observing, “General Dickinson, and the Militia of this State, are also thanked for their nobleness in opposing the enemy in their march from Philadelphia, nd for the aid which they have given in harassing and impeding their motions, so as to allow the conditional troops to come up with them.”*

Usual folds with separation at horizontal centerfold repaired with tape, light toning and foxing, soiling, overall fine very good to fine condition.

(EXA 6037) $1,200

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^* George Washington, General Orders, June 29, 1778, Fitzpatrick, ed, The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799

William Jennings Bryan presents a tolken of his peacemaking ideals to a newspaper editor who crusaded the chain gang system in Georgia.

(William Jennings Bryan) A nickel-plate steel paperweight cast in the form of a plow, with engraved biblical quotation, “‘THEY SHALL BEAT THEIR SWORDS INTO PLOWSHARES’ ISAIAH 2-4 [sic]” and across the “DIPLOMACY IS THE ART OF KEEPING COOL.“. On the reverse, “NOTHING IS FINAL BETWEEN FRIENDS.” The base bears a an inscription: “To F[red]. L[oring]. Seely from William Jennings Bryan December 10th 1914.”

William Jennings Bryan pacifism dominated his tenure as Secretary of State, negotiating numerous treaties with other nations that provided for procedures for conciliation when war threatened to erupt. When war came to Europe in August 1914, Bryan urged Wilson, citing the United States’ position as the most powerful neutral, to mediate the conflict. Wilson, who gave Bryan his post for political considerations and not his acumen for international affairs, consulted him only occasionally, preferring to formulate important foreign policy decisions from the White House. Tensions grew between the two. Bryan advocated strict neutrality, and was troubled by Wilson’s demands for German accountability following the sinking of the Lusitania. Bryan resigned his post in June 1915, a month following the ship’s sinking that killed 128 U.S. citizens among the nearly 1,200 who lost their lives. When the United States entered the First World War, Bryan offered Wilson his services in any capacity, but the President never offered him a post.

Bryan’s reason for having these paperweights produced is unknown. It does not appear to mark any special occasion. We are aware of at least one other example, presented to Attorney General McReynolds in August 1914 (the present example is dated December 10). Bryan presented this paperweight to Fred Loring Seely (1871-1942), a wealthy chemist, inventor, newspaperman and a close friend of Bryan. Both were strong temperance advocates and Loring’s paper, the Atlanta Georgian, staunchly supported Bryan’s 1908 bid for the Presidency.¹

The New Jersey-born Seely established the Atlanta Georgian in 1906, and beyond stumping for Bryan, the daily took on major social issues. The most promoting of which were exposes on the chain gang system in Georgia in which prisoners were rented out to local famers and businesses who often mistreated them. Seely’s personal advocacy was instrumental in ending the practice in Georgia. But his advertisers, many of whom profited from the chain-gang system, pulled out from advertising in the paper. In 1912, Seely was forced to sell his paper to William Randolph Hearst.

Some pitting and minor losses to plating with expected oxidation.

(EXA 6005) $1,450
__________
^* “Saloon must Go, Declares Bryan to the Famers,” The Atlanta Georgian, 9 May 1910, 1; “William J. Bryan speaks of himself as Candidate of the Democratic Party,” Ibid, 21 Sept. 1906, 1.

John JAY 1821 Autograph Letter Signed to his son Peter Augustus Jay

John JAY (1745-1829) Autograph Letter Signed, “John Jay“, 1 page, 237 x 197 mm. (9 3/8 x 7 1/4 in.), Bedford, [N.Y.], 29 January 1821 to his son, Peter Augustus Jay (1776-1843) concerning family news, financial matters, and a large fire in New York City.

“I have rec[eive]d your Letter of the 25 Inst – Both Mama and myself are once again better – She and your Brother set out this morning to visit with Friends at rye. I communicated to her your kind Invitation, and she rec[eive]d it with Expressions of Gratitude and Affection. Little Maria’s Complaints have abated, but she is still unwell. Tidings of the Fire at N York son reached us- many must have suffered- I hope your attending it in such severe cold weather has not injured your Health – We are glad that John and Helen were better– I think you did well to keep them at Home for the Present- In the night between the 24th & 25th Inst. The Mercury fell to 14 below Zero.— On inspecting the Bond of $1500 from Mr. Jam[e]s Morris, you will find that it is dated the 28 Au[us]t. 1817- on the 15th Feb[ruar]y he paid you $105 on Acc[oun]t of Interest so that two Years Interest viz $210 is due and unpaid. If he should find it inconvenient to pay it, I am willing to accept is Bond for it as Payment for that Interest – On the 9 May last, there was a Year[‘]s Interest viz $315 due from Mr. D Peyster – it is time that it should be paid – The intended assignment of DeLavan’s mortgage, to Mr Hunt, will require care- perhaps he may expect to secure by it more than was due from De Lavan to me. I am glad tat you are preparing it.— It does not appear from your acc[oun]t that Doct[o]r Watts has as yet been paid— My Love to Mary and the children…”

According to one newspaper account, at 3 A.M. on the morning of Wednesday, 24 January 1821, a fire erupted in “an old wooden building in Front-st, between Fulton-st & Crane-wharf, on the eastside, occupied by a Mrs. Smith. The wind blew very fresh at the time, from the westward, and the fire soon spread in various directions, and in the course of two hours, a vast property in buildings and goods, was consumed.” Over twenty-five buildings were destroyed in the early morning blaze, including grocers, a liquor store, a “flour store,” and in particular the wine store of “Mr. T. Bloodgood, is said to be the greatest-sufferer,” losing $70-80,000 in stock.”*

Expected folds, extreme light toning to bottom left corner, else fine.

(EXA 5634) $1,750
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^* National Advocate, New York, 25 Jan. 1821, 2.

A rare and unusual Soviet imprint on Karl Marx’s 1864 petition to Abraham Lincoln

Nationalization of the Land — Letter to President Lincoln, unpaginated, ([Moscow?], c. 1930), 5 leaves, 251 x 170 mm. (9 7/8 x 6 13/16 in.), the first two leaves bearing reproductions, the first: 300 x 194mm. (11 3/4 x 7 5/8) folded into quarters, the second: 170 x 112 mm. (16 13/16 x 4 1/4) folded into two leaves. All housed in unstitched titled paper wraps, first leaf separate and balance bound together though independent of the outer wrap.

A highly unusual imprint offering a reproduction of Karl Marx’s petition to Abraham Lincoln, on behalf of the International Working Men’s Party, composed in November 1864 and presented to Charles Francis Adams, the American Ambassador to the Court of St. James in January 1865. The balance of the work concerns Marx’s 3 December 1869 memorandum to English philosopher Robert Applegarth advocating his reasons for the abolition of private property. The volume includes a four page color reproduction of Marx’s draft memorandum to Applegarth as well as a five page printed transcript of the same.

The origin of this rare publication is murky. We have been able to source only two extant copies of this imprint one at the University of Kansas and the other at the Staatsbibliothek in Berlin (OCLC 56194628). The copy owned by Kansas is cataloged as possibly printed in the United States. However, the example in Berlin is cataloged suggesting a Soviet origin c. 1930. (The presence of stamps from the Marx-Engels-Lenin Institute in Moscow, visible in the reproduction of Marx’s draft letter to Applegarth is likely what informed this supposition).

Corner creases and small tear to rear cover, light soiling to front cover, tear at bottom os spine neatly repaired, other light marginal wear, light toning, and some mild creases.

(EXA 5707) $1,200

Rumors of intrigue by St. Clair after he evacuated Ticonderoga

(Arthur St. CLAIR) Helen BAYARD Autograph Letter Signed, “Helen Bayard“, 1 page, 285 x 192 mm. (11 1/4 x 7 1/2 in.) Boston, 18 July 1777, to her cousin, “Quincy” concerning a variety of family news, including the receipt of a letter from her cousin, General Arthur St. Clair, which she hoped would dispel rumors that he had defected to the British after he evacuated Fort Ticonderoga on July 5, 1777.

Bayard writes, in full [with period spellings retained with minimal comment]: “This By the hand of your Daughter I hope will come safe to hand, and believe me I never was more supprised than when I first saw her. I must tell you with out flat[t]ery I think She is Vastly improved since she Left Boston She has Dined with me but once But Believe me it was not my fa[u]lt I wo[‘]d have Bin Glad to have had more of her Companey Betsey is allmost Affronted with her we had Letter from St Clair to Day so he is not gone to the Enemey As I heared the truth will come out in time Respecting Ticonderoga Beong Left and than we shall se whear the falt Lays But hang pollitics I Long to see you had Betsey not have him with me at present I would have come Mr Bayard Is gone to Carry a vessel to the Eastward there were allways a sumthing How Ever he has promest to Bring me whan he Returns.. I shall Go to Ne[w]bury[?] next week to Carrey Betsey to Mr Druatt to B[o]ard with a Daughter of Mr Baurus, in time she went sumwhear and we have no schools in town I Long to come and stay a week with you I Don’t thing I sho[‘]d be home sick But I fear I shall not have a trial Do Let me hear from you that is next to seeing you I have Companey and so must conclude with my Love to Mr Quncy who I Long to see and am Dear Quincey Your Affectionate Coz—” In a pair of postscripts, she adds, “Unclee Dennie I am told is A Dieing” and “Give Eunice A scolding for me I told her I wood wright you“.

When threatened with encirclement by Burgoyne’s forces, St. Clair wisely abandoned his indefensible position at Fort Ticonderoga, saving a large body of troops for future engagements that would ultimately result in a spectacular victory at Saratoga. For a lack of space in the boats used in the Fort’s evacuation, St. Clair was compelled to abandon several large pieces of cannon and a good deal of other supplies, leading to suspicion that the Scottish-born former British officer had defected to the enemy. Although his appearance at Fort Edward would seem to dispel this rumor, both he and General Philip Schuyler, in command of the Northern Department, were the subject of rumors that they had accepted bribes from the British in exchange for the retreat.

Congress greeted news of Ticonderoga’s fall with anger and dismay, ordering St. Clair be removed from command. John Adams and his allies moved to remove Schuyler as well, replacing him with New Englander Horatio Gates. St. Clair demanded a court-martial, which completely exonerated him of wrongdoing — but the political damage had been done: Ticonderoga would prove to be his final field command of the war.

Helen Bayard was the sister of St. Clair’s wife, Phoebe Bayard, and daughter of Mary Bowdoin Bayard, the sister of the prominent James Bowdoin (1726-1790), who would later serve as the second governor of an independent Massachusetts. St. Clair wed Phoebe in 1760, only three years after his arrival in North America as a British officer serving at the siege of Louisbourg and the capture Quebec under General Wolfe. In the early 1760s, St. Clair resigned his commission and the couple migrated to western Pennsylvania. There, St. Clair established himself as a prominent land owner and pubic official.

Edge wear with chipping to right margin affecting content, even toning, creasing, light soiling, usual folds, overall very good condition.

(EXA 5893) $1,650

Roger Jones ALS 1843 re: his brother Comm. Jones’ accidental invasion of Mexico

Following his brother’s ‘accidental’ capture of Monterey, Alta California in 1842, Roger ap Catesby Jones, calls his critics “lyers” and regrets “that he should have pounced upon Terra firma…a Commander had better be an inch forward of the mark, than a hair breadth behind it…”

(Alta California) Roger ap Catesby JONES (1789-1852) Fine content Autograph Letter Signed “R. Jones” as Adjutant General, 2pp., 243 x 200 mm. (9 5/8 x 8 in.), Washington, 26 July 1843, franked on the integral address leaf, “R. Jones Ajt Genl” and addressed in his hand on the integral address leaf to ” Commodore J.B. Nicholson commanding the Naval Station at Charlesto[w]n, Massachusetts-“, and stamped ‘FREE‘ in red, awaiting word from the Mexican government regarding the 1842 accidental invasion of Mexico and one-day capture of Monterey orchestrated by his brother, Commodore Thomas ap Catesby Jones, in full: “Hope my letters & packages may arrive in time for the Erie Store Ship— Pray try on get them on board. Nothing has yet been heard from the Pacific, nor from the Mexican Government— Since the California Affair at Monterey— and of course, the Executive have nothing to do in the mean time concerning the matter—. As for the Commodore’s recall, so falsely stated by the lying letter written— the President has had no such thought— This I know: If the Mexican Government make a fuss about it, it is thought, the affair may be easily adjust[e]d without any difficulty—. There are some perhaps, who would not be sorry, if the Commodore should make a Short cruise of it—. The authorities have, & most of the members of Congress, are gratified to hear that my Brother resolved to keep the Seas, with a plan of a twelve months’ cruise — tho’ we regret— (all I see, do not regret however) that he should have pounced upon Terra firma. Those Catier[?] Say— a Commander had better be an inch forward of the mark, than a hair breadth behind it—. &c. &c. &c.”

Jones’ brother, Commodore Thomas ap Catesby Jones (1790-1858) was a decorated but controversial U.S. naval officer best known for his capture of Monterey from Mexico for a day before learning that he was acting on a false report of a war between the United States and Mexico. Commodore Jones also served as the model for Herman Melville’s captain in Moby Dick. Of Roger Jones’ thirteen children, many of his sons were career military officers in both the Union and Confederate forces: Catesby ap Roger Jones (1821-1877) served in the U.S. Navy from 1836 to 1861 attaining the rank of Lieutenant, and in the Confederate States Navy from 1861 to 1865, in command of the CSS Virginia when it engaged the USS Monitor at the Battle of Hampton Roads; Charles Lucien Jones served in the Confederate States Navy aboard the ironclad CSS Tennessee; Roger Jones (1831-1889) was Inspector General of the U.S. Army from 1888 to 1889.

The author, Roger ap Catesby Jones began his military career in the U.S. Marine Corps from 1809 to 1812 attaining the rank of First Lieutenant, and in the U.S. Army from 1812 to 1852 attaining the rank of Brevet major General. He saw action during the War of 1812 in the Battles of Lundy’s Lane, Chippewa and Fort Erie. Jones also holds the distinction of the longest-serving Adjutant General of the U.S. Army from 1825 to 1852.

Commodore John B. NICHOLSON (1783-1846) accompanied Commodore Oliver Hazard Perry on the 1819 Venezuela Expedition, after with Perry died from yellow fever. He commanded the USS United States from 1832 to 1834 as part of Commodore Patterson’s Mediterranean Squadron, and commanded the Brazil Squadron aboard the flagship USS Independence from 1837 to 1839. In 1840, he was accused by a large group of sailors formerly under his command of having lied to them regarding their duration of service to procure the men for the Brazil Squadron. He served on the Board of Navy Commissioners from 1840 to 1841.

Minor edge wear, light marginal toning, usual folds, paper loss to verso from wax seal not affecting content, overall fine condition.

(EXA 5736) SOLD

An impassioned plea to John Quincy Adams to preserve tariffs on American Piano manufacturers during the Nullification Crisis

(Protection and American piano manufacturing) John MACKAY (1774-1841) Prominent and early industrialist in Boston, he entered the shipping industry in 1796 at age 22 under the direction of his uncle, shipping magnate Mungo MacKay (1740-1811), who was already well established in the trade. By 1798, he was ship’s master conducting international voyages, returning with goods from far afield for the Boston market. In 1815, Mackay and two partners began manufacturing church organs. By 1820, several members of the Mackay family were in partnership with Alpheus Babcock, manufacturing pianos in Boston’s West End. MacKay and Jonas Chickering began manufacturing pianos in Boston in 1830. They constructed a modern factory in 1837 on Washington Street. MacKay died at sea in 1841, en route to South America to procure wood for his piano cases.

Autograph Letter Signed “John MacKay” on recto and verso, 2pp., 188 x 200 mm. (7 1/2 x 7 3/4 in.), [Boston, c. 1832-1833], to John Quincy Adams, imploring the Massachusetts congressman to ensure tariffs high enough to protect American industry, and in particular, American piano manufacturers, from European competition.

MacKay’s plea to Adams, likely written as South Carolina’s nullifiers raged against Clay’s protective tariffs as embodied in the “American System,” reads in large part [with original spellings retained throughout]: “… this is a manufactory where the principal part of the cost is labour and Labour in this Country is so much higher than in any other, without the protection of our Country we Cannot Subsist, we have had to combat against the prejudices of our own Country Saying this was a business or Since that cannot be brought to perfection here but under the aid of a fostering government we have convinced a great portion of the people that we not only make them as good but better but the English & Germans who formerly supplied this Country with that article still continues to import a great number. & as they invoice them at a very low price, owing to the low price of labour they are enabled to sell a great many & if the duties are put so low our Country will be innundated with them to the great detrement of our own Manufacturers, as this is an article which does not interfere with the South… none but the most skilfull… workmen are employed we are compelled to pay a high price for their labour. As your bill had so many Articles it was no wonder it was passed over, I have taken the liberty to suggest my ideas to you & if you think an Amendment to the Bill in favour of the Manufacturer of Piano Fortes should be augmented to thirty five pr. Cent. or if you think that too much, you will please put it as high as your Superior judgment may think best…”

The verso bears what appears to be small portion of another Autograph Letter Signed “John MacKay“, [n.p., n.d.] and reads, in full: “…we employ forty men, and pay upwards of five hundred dollars p. Week, for labour only which Money is Calculated for all the Necessarys of life, we manufacture three hundred piano Fortes p. Year or Business is increasing for we manufacture them well and as the Prosperity of our Country increases so we shall increase the manufacture of Piano Fortes.”

MacKay’s partner, Jonas Chickering (1798-1853), was one of the great pioneers of piano manufacturing, being the first in the world to use one-piece cast-iron frames — one of the most significant technological contributions to the development of the instrument.

Light soiling at lower left margin, light creases, trimmed at margins, else very good.

(EXA 5895) $450

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